Life, 1921-09-15 · page 16 of 34
Life — September 15, 1921 — page 16: what you’re looking at
What you’re looking at
This page discusses Ireland's political situation following British government offers regarding Irish independence and Ulster's status. The text references Lloyd George's negotiations and De Valera's rejection of terms. The small cartoon illustrations appear to be decorative vignettes rather than standalone political cartoons—they show stylized figures but lack clear caricature or identification of specific individuals. The main content is editorial commentary arguing that Ireland's acceptance of the offered terms would be politically wise, suggesting the Irish people have endured sufficient hardship and deserve peace. The piece advocates for sense and pragmatism in resolving the Irish question, positioning Ireland's potential agreement as beneficial to both Irish and British interests. This reflects the complex post-WWI moment of Irish independence negotiations.
📄 Transcribed text from this page (OCR, searchable)
Machine-transcribed from the original scan — historical spelling and the odd misread are preserved.
SEPTEMBER 15, 1921 “While there is Life there’s Hope” Published by LIFE PUBLISHING COMPANY VOL. 78 No. 2028 London Offices, Rolls House, Breams Bldgs., London, E. C. RELAND has had a first-rate offer from the British Government and the opinion of a big majority of the disin- terested spectators is that she had better take it. General Smuts’ advice to her was sound and can- not be bettered. He said that if she was not getting everything she wanted at this time she was getting enough and would acquire any desirable resi- due later. He advised by all means to accept what was offered. Mr. de Valera’s letter to Lloyd George rejecting the offer does not compare well with Lloyd George's reply. The bases of rejection seem fantastic, but the reply is full of facts, full of important historical citations, and full of sense. The case has now reached the point where there is a true parallel with the situation in these States in 1861. Ireland is represented as wanting to secede from the British Empire. That seems to be the upshot of de Valera’s letter. It does not ac- cord with the political understanding that the world has reached at this time. The war did a great deal to make man- kind sensitive to the rights of small communities that wish to be nations, but it has not as yet made it plain that total detachment of political life is always possible for such communities. Lloyd George has recited the details of the broad measure of self-government that the offer to Ireland includes. The thing for her to do, as observers see it, is to take that offer and live up to it. If she can do that, she will make her- self such a place in the world that no reasonable desire of hers can be denied. De Valera did not speak of Ulster in his letter of rejection. Mr. Healy has been quoted as saying that the new 598 Madison Avenue, New York Ireland must certainly include Ulster, because the bones of St. Patrick are buried there. Maybe the bones could be moved. The probability is that St. Patrick would approve moving them under the present circumstances rather than have peace fail because of them. The claim of South Ireland that Ulster must be forced in is opposed to all de Valera’s argument. Yet, in the course of time, Ulster and South Ireland are likely to get together for the benefit of both, and both are likely to continue on intimate terms with the rest of Great Britain. oe se fare IERHAPS the decision on the offer to Ireland will be made by popular vote of the Irish. That will take a little time, but matters can wait if there is any object in waiting. By the issue of this Irish question we may be helped to an estimate of the craziness of the world at this time. If the plan for Ireland goes through and that sore spot begins to heal, we shall be entitled to think that there is some sense left in the world. If the plan is rejected and civil war breaks out again in Ireland, the inference may be that the afflictions of mankind have not yet reached the point necessary to prepare the world for the thorough renovation which it seems to be in for. What one counts on to accomplish what is necessary in such situations as is in Ireland is the great pressure of need upon all respon- sible governments; but that pressure, though it has driven the British Gov- ernment to make Ireland an offer that should be acceptable, may not operate with like force upon the Irish Gov- ernment, which may think it has some- thing to gain perhaps in local politics by standing out for the unattainable. If Ireland feels no responsibility for the salvaging of the world, nor about the starvation in Russia, nor about the politics of Continental Europe, nor about Germany and Silesia and the future of France, if indeed she has taken sundry politicians in the United States for her model and aspires to live for herself alone, she may do any- thing. The best hope of her showing sense is in the possible preference of the Irish people, who live in Ireland and have endured the discomforts and terrors of the last year, for peace, food, raiment, shelter and a comparatively quiet life, with all their real political needs satisfied. One looks for more sense at this stage of the matter from the Irish in Ireland than from the Irish extremists in the United States who have looked on at the fight and sent money to support it, but have not themselves experienced its terrors and fatalities. E have signed a Treaty wit Germany that secures to these States “all the rights and advantages stipulated for the benefit of the United States in the Treaty of Versailles,” and excuses us from all responsibilities im- posed by that treaty and from mem- bership to the League of Nations. Anyone who is disposed to be proud of this treaty, or even pleased with it. has the floor, but up to this time of writing the expressions of gratification have not been very impressive. Our position is something like that of a bondholder in a corporation that comicbooks.com