Life — June 9, 1921 — page 16: what you’re looking at

Machine-transcribed from the original scan — historical spelling and the odd misread are preserved.

JUNE 9, 1921 “While there is Life there’s Hope” Published by LIFE PUBLISHING COMPANY VOL. 77. No 204 London Offices, Rolls House, Breams Bldgs, London, E, C, OLONEL HARVE speech at the Pilgrims’ Din- ner in London g_ on May 10th was, so far as we remember, his first appearance as the representative of anyone but him- self. He made that speech as the representative of the Government of the United States. It was quite a change for him and he seems to have realized it, for he begged his audience, if he had gone too far in discussing public affairs, “to at- tribute the overstepping to the se!f-be- stowed prerogatives of a novice.” It seems to us he did overstep in scme particulars, but that is all in the day’s work and we need not get excited about it What he said to correct the impression “that we went to war to rescue humanity from all kinds of menacing perils” is worth a minute’s consideration. “Not a few remain convinced,” he said, “that we sent our young soldiers across to save this Kingdom, France and Italy. That is not the fact. We sent them solely to save the United States of America, and most re- luctantly and laggardly at that.” Yes, to save the United States, but to save what skin or its soul? “We were not too proud to fight Colonel said, “whatever that may mean. We were afraid not to fight. That is the real truth of the matter.” Yes, but why were we afraid not to fight? Was it because we feared physical calamity? There was a sound argument about going into the war—that if Germany was not beaten we would be sure to have trouble with her, and that the time to kneck the nonsense out of her was while we had some help. That was a good rea- son for going into the war, but it was not the reason that controlled. There was, in this country, no widespread fear of phys- ical harm, or even political harm, from pty a 17 West Thirty-first Street, New York Germany, no matter how the war turned out, but there was great fear of spiritual damage to ourselves if we shirked that war. It looked as though we would shirk it. Happily—happily beyond measure—Ger- many forced us in. Our immediate rea- sons for going in were political, but back of them were great spiritual reasons—a great impulse of souls to do their share— to do all we could to help save the world from a tremendous peril, to help finish autocracy, to help if possible to put an end to war. Colonel Harvey seemed to over- look these great spiritual impulses that were behind our great adventure. That he was not conscious of them at the time of their greatest force is incredible. He said in April, 1917: “We fought one great war to make sure that government of the people, by the people, for the people should not perish from the earth. It will be worth while to fight another, and a greater, to cause government of the people, by the people, for the people, to prevail throughout the world.” That does not quite match the spirit of his remarks in London. a ANOTHER thing he said in that speech is still more important (if, indeed, his words are to be accepted as the words of the present administration), and that was his assurance that “the present govern- ment of the United States will not have anything whatsoever to do with the League (of Nations), or any commission or committee appointed by it or responsible to it directly or indirectly, openly or fur- tively.” How could he be so sure of anything in this world which is so obviously subject, like the railroad time-tables, to change without notice? The thing that will de- termine the course of the United States about the League or some other organi. zation having a like purpose is not Colonel Harvey's opinion, nor President Harding's ion, nor the size of the Republi majority in the last election which Harvey spoke of, but the facts of human life. That will be done which is necessary to keep the world going, and only an extra hardy prophet would announce beforehand what it will be. The Ambassador's sweeping disclaimer of the League and all its deriv. atives seems to expel even Mr. Root's project of the world court from the con- sideration of our present government Perhaps the Ambassador exaggerated, bet to keep clear of the League was only a part of what he had in his mind. He would not have us flock alone. He would have us stand in with the British, which is in itself an excellent sentiment. “TI shall fail miserably in my sion,” said Colonel Harvey to his London audience, “if I do not so greatly strengthen those bonds of friendship and mutual helpfulness that hereafter our respective governments will not only prefer durable agreements to tentative compromises as between our- selves, but will instinctively approach all world problems from the same angle as of common aid and inseparable concern.” That is quite explicit, isn’t it? And, again he said: “If only Britain and America stand faithfully together, it is only a ques: tion of time when we shall again be shout- ing exultantly, ‘God’s in his heaven, all's right with the world.” Pr al D°S he mean to leave England in the League and still tie up to her, or would he have her outside of it along with us? A good understanding between Great Britain and the United States is in- deed the best safeguard to peace the world can have, but is it enough to rest the world’s peace on? To our mind the basis must be broader; much broader. Colonel comicbooks.com