Judge — November 1, 1884 — page 2: what you’re looking at

Machine-transcribed from the original scan — historical spelling and the odd misread are preserved.

THE JUDGE. THE JUDGE. 924, 326 and 328 Pearl St., (Franklin Square.) NEW YORK. PUBLISHED © WEEK. SRIBERS. = months, One copy. for 13 weeks Fe-rosrson rate ad ir numbers Address THE JUDOF, PUBLISHING COMPANY ms EUROPEAN AGENTS News Courasy, 1! Bouverte St, (Fleet St) Loxpos, EXOLAND. Tus Irrensations’ NOTICE. pot thelr valuation apon the articles they ‘price we may ourselves Mx}, or otherwise they will be regarded as grat Stamps should be tnclosed for return postage, with name and address, tf writers wish to regain the ined articles CORRESPONDENTS. EV-ConRESPOSDENTS WILL PLEASE TAKR SOTICE THAT THET exp Maa. To THN OFFICE Aj OWN mink. WHERE eTanre ARE ENCLOSED WHE WILL WETCRS REJECTED MATTER 48 FAR A8 POS- ALL REATONAIBILITY FOR SUCH © 4 PRICK IN SOT AVYIXED #Y THLE WRITER, 8 WILL BR REGARDED AS GRATCITOCR, AND 8O #RAE. QUENT CLAIM 7OR REMUNERATION WILL ME ENTERTAINED, FOR THE CAMPAIGN. rom SIL, RUT We DUTINCTLY REFeD ievenr case Wit er we wnt x (6) MONTHA, TO ANY CLUB RATES. will be turni Jubs at the following Smonths, THE CANDIDATES. Wiex the Republican convention nomi- nated James. G, Blaine, there was some dis- satisfaction expressed in the Republican ranks, anda bolt, which for the moment looked formidable, was inaugurated. A very short time, however, served to define the limits of that bolt, and it was discovered to be of only local and individual importance. he prominent bolters were influenced by purely personal reasons—either by pri dislike of the jealousy that the had not y, or Uieir special creatures, rained the coveted honor. As for Carl Schurz, no one ever expects him to last through more than a single cam- paign without turning his coat, at least one Necessarily the influence of men swayed by such motives was ephemeral, and the Independent Republican movement is now no longer heard of. Far otherwise with Grover Cleveland. When the first surprise, occasioned by his nomination, was over, men began to ask themselves what he had ever done to merit so distinguished an honor. His public career, from Hangman to Governor, was traced without affording any solution of the mystery. It was only later on it appeared that he had been nominated in defiance of the wishes of the great bulk of the party, and in deference to the supposed preferences of the now rapidly vanishing group of Inde- pendents. But in the scrutiny of his past Grover Cleveland appeared in such appalling colors that the original objection became wider and more deeply rooted. Tis private life was found to be arecord of shameless debauchery and licentiousness. His public acts pro- claimed him the slave of a local polit ring, the tool of monopolies, and the acti enemy of the laboring classes, This isanice record for a Democratic candidate for the Presidency. THe has been placed by his party on the same old hobby horse to ride around the same weary old cycle of mistakes, frailties, and false policies which has been the beaten track of the Democratic candi- date for more years than the majority of i Beyond the nomination he received at the hands of the convention— a nomination forced by the palpably unjust unit rule, and even then inspired by a mis- take resulting from the apparent attitude of a few noisy Republican bolters—there is absolutely no good reason why Cleveland should receive a single vote except his own, There is no more reason why he should receive the support of his party than any other Democratic County-Sheriff in the United States—nay less, for most sheriffs have the grace to hire others to perform the more revolting duties of their office. If Cleveland had been nominated as the candidate of corporate monopoly, he would have a record entitling him to the support of that constituency; as the candidate of the Democratic party, he has nothing but trea- sons against the rank and file of that party to appeal to. YESTERDAY, TO-DAY, AND FOREVER. Fon four and twenty years Democracy has sought the White House by the same road and the same methods that it is pursuing to-day, and it is not a whit nearer than when the first attempt was made. It is the same old party, unchanged, unchangeable—the same yesterday, to-day, and forever. In 1861 it held its knife to the throat of the Union, and that the Union still lives is no fault of Democrac! very four years it starts in hopes of winning the presidential contest by virtue of the same backing on which it relied to dismember the Union—a Solid South, And every four years the wealth and intelli- gence and culture of the Northern States, backed by the nerve and sinew of the honest farmer and the hard-working mechanic, have repelled the danger. Once more the hour of conflict is at hand. Once more the Solid South unites to attempt to force Democ doctrines down the throat of the partially divided North! What answer will the North return? Property stands appalled at the idea of committing the government of the country toa party hungry for spoils—to a party which must necessarily be the slave of the Solid South—a region which would ask nothing better than to see all the debts in- curred by it in its struggle with the North paid dollar for dollar out of taxes levied on its whilome foe Labor contrasts its pretty homes with the sordid hovels of English labor and blesses protection. It has no votes to give to any- one who will not promise a continuance of these blessings. Least of all has it a vote to give to Grover Cleveland, who has stated, in his utterances on the subject of pilotage fees in the port of New York, that he regards American labor as too highly paid, and gives it as his opinion that it should be regulated on the basis which obtains in the markets for pauper labor on the other side of the Atlantic. No, next week, the country will be Grover Cleve alled jand, between the mush- room politician of yesterday, and the man who has served it and lived rs; between the vi on to decide between and James G. Blaine in its eye for J jator of homes, the contemner of the sanctity of the ma nd the statesman whose Dpy land home might be the model for domestic tranquility and virtue. And fur- thermore, the country will be asked to choose between Protection, with its sequence of happy houscholds, fair wage and general employment, and Free ade, with its dis- mal corollaries of squalor, vice and ignor- ance. Is it possible that there can be a second of hesitation between such alternatives? The s in the hands of the people, and as the voters of America make their bed, so must they lie on it. issue | FRUITLESS SLANDER. Be the result of this campaign what it will, it will go down in history as the great- est example of mud-slinging on record. Destitute of character in the person of their own candidate, and of argument in support of their principles, the managers of the Democratic canvass have been reduced to a warfare of abuse and unprecedented slander, levelled against the Republican nominee. Falsehood after falsehood has been exposed and triumphantly refuted, but still the work of defamation goes bravely on, and even now, at the eleventh hour, old lies are being in- sisted upon, and new lies coined in the vain hope of compassing Mr. Blaine’s defeat, But honest men of all shades of political opinion are becoming disgusted with this comicbooks.com